In the half century that has elapsed since the founding of the Republic of China, two names stand out prominently and overshadow all others.
The names of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek have become familiar words and are known to every man, woman, and child in China. These respected leaders of the Chinese people have earned the admiration and love of their countrymen by outstanding achievements through decades of hard work.
The late Dr. Sun is rightly known as "father of the Republic" for his leadership of the revolutionary movement that overthrew the Manchu dynasty in 1911. Realizing the need for a radical change, especially after the corruption and ineptitude of the imperial government had been fully exposed in the closing years of the 19th century, he drew around himself a small group of youthful revolutionaries. With these dedicated men and women as a vanguard, he made several attempts at armed uprising which, in spite of repeated failures, was finally crowned with success and led to the establishment of the Republic.
Dr. Sun's claim to distinction was founded not simply on his revolutionary activities, important as those activities were, but also on the organization of a full-pledged, nationwide political party, the Kuomintang, which has been in power for one third of a century by now. Furthermore, he also bequeathed to the nation a valuable political testament in the form of the Three Principles of the People, or the San Min Chu I. Though he himself would be the last person in the world, if he were still living today, to claim that his writings were the last word of political wisdom, he was the first individual in modern China to have worked out a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social reform for his country. His works are faithfully studied by his followers in their search for guidance in managing the affairs of state.
The fact that Dr. Sun was the leader of a revolutionary movement that overthrew the 5,000-year monarchy, the founder and organizer of a modern political party that has millions of adherents among the populace, and the author of an epoch-making political treatise that maps out a blueprint for national reconstruction—this fact confers on him a unique position in modern Chinese history.
Next to Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek is the only Chinese leader who commands widespread popular support among the masses of the Chinese people at home and abroad. His fame rests on solid achievements dating back to the early twenties. The work of national unification which he accomplished in 1928 was preceded by the founding of the Whampoa Military Academy with him as commandant for the training of young officers for the national army, and by the Northward Expedition against the warlords with him as commander-in-chief. From 1928 to 1937 he gave the country an unprecedented period of stability and economic progress. Had the task of national reconstruction in which he was engaged not been interrupted by the Japanese invasion, he would have succeeded in making China one of the most progressive and well-developed countries of Asia. But history had other roles for him to play.
The next thing he was called upon to do was to lead his countrymen to repel the foreign intruder in the eight-year War of Resistance against Japan. If there was anyone man who had inspired the Chinese people, both military and civilian, to deeds of heroism in the wearisome years of the Sino-Japanese War, it was the Generalissimo. If there was anyone man who had full confidence in China's ability to win the final victory in her life-and-death struggle against a first-class foreign power and, by that confidence, inspired similar confidence among his compatriots, it was the Generalissimo; He it was who steadfastly refused to heed the enemy's offers of "peace" and thus bogged down on the Chinese mainland one million Japanese troops that might otherwise have been employed by old militarist Japan in other theaters of war to inflict heavier casualties on American and other allied forces. These are the Generalissimo's contributions to the cause of peace for China and the world at large.
The adoption of the present Constitution in 1946 with the encouragement of the Generalissimo paved the way for the introduction of constitutional government in China in 1948. This marked another milestone in China's political development. It will be remembered as one of the Generalissimo's most important achievements as a statesman.
In spite of the Communist occupation of the mainland, the Generalissimo is continuing to lead the Chinese people to resist the Communist tyranny and to keep the hopes of freedom alive. With Taiwan as a base of operations, the free Chinese are confident that the Generalissimo will once more go to deliver their brethren on the mainland and finally assure the country of another period of peaceful evolution after decades of turmoil resulting from a series of civil and Communist usurpation of power.
Red Intervention in Laos
Communist defeat in Vientiane has not brought the war in Laos to a close. Instead, the Laotian war has now entered upon a new phase with greater complication as a result of the joint intervention in it by the Russian, Chinese and Vietminh Communists. The increasing military intervention of the Reds in Laos or the indecision of the West to take action in Laos may result in the outbreak of another Korean-type war in this tiny kingdom in Southeast Asia. Three factors which will determine the scale of war should be taken into consideration: first, whether the Red intervention in Laos would culminate to such an alarming degree that it would upset the balance of power between the West and the Communists in Laos; secondly, whether the United States would take a firm stand in Laos and General Phoumi Nosavan is able to rally enough support from his own people and to put up an impressive fight against the Pathet Lao; and thirdly, whether the SEATO powers would make a concerted move to checkmate the Red intervention in Laos.
The United States is "mindful of its obligation under the SEATO Treaty" and has been in consultation with its SEATO allies as to whether the SEATO Treaty may be invoked. However, the United States efforts to deter the Red intervention has been greatly compromised by the reluctance of some of her allies to take a strong stand and to accede to the report confirming the participation of "foreign troops" in the Laotian war, which the U.S. has submitted to the SEATO Council.
With the support of the Communist Vietminh, the Pathet Lao has already won the battle for Xieng Khouang and the Plaine des Jarres. The loss of these strategically important areas to the Communists poses a serious threat to the royal capital of Luang Prabang and Vientiane. Particularly significant is Communist determination to occupy Luang Prabang which might serve as the capital of a new Communist regime, should there be a line of demarcation in the Kingdom of Laos as the one which was agreed upon after the truce between the Republic of Vietnam and the Communist Vietminh. This fear is not groundless, in view of the report that Britain is advocating the revival of the International Commission of Red Poland, Canada and India that supervised the 1954 agreement ending the war in Vietnam.
With SEATO divided in its views and the United States weakened by the dissent of her western allies, there is good reason to apprehend that the Pathet Lao will step up their offensive and confront the free world with a fait accompli. Another cause of worry is that Prince Boun Oum and General Phoumi Nosavan do not have the experience and organizational support as are necessary for effectively combating Communist aggression. Judging by the rapidly deterioration situations in Laos, it is doubtful if the anti-Communist government in Vientiane could survive the Communist onslaughts without more vigorous action on the part of the United States and SEATO.
It is reported that the United States on its second thought is inclined to agree to the British proposal of the revival of the International Commission. But is there any guarantee that the Vientiane government can hold its capital until a decision is reached by that Commission? There might be some ground in the British argument that it is not the right place nor the right time to fight a war at present in the Kingdom of Laos. But will the United States and her western allies continue to decline to take action if another war of similar pattern should break out in other parts of Southeast Asia?
Peiping's 'Peaceful Co-existence' With Burma
The arrival in Rangoon of a huge "goodwill" mission of the Chinese Communists composed of 450 members including such Red chieftains as "Premier" Chou En-lai, "Vice Premier" Chen Yi and "Chief of General Staff" General Lo Jui-ching show the importance which the Peiping regime has attached to the visit. Though the Mission is nominally to participate in the 13th anniversary of the independence of Burma, the presence on the list of Lo Jui-ching, who was promoted to "chief of general staff" from the Red security service deserves particular attention.
Chou En-lai's governmental party is only one of the nine delegations which constitute the 450-man mission. The nine groups of the mission are: governmental delegation, military delegation, Buddhist delegation, athletic delegation, movie delegation, newspapereman delegation, the Yunnan provincial delegation, cultural and art delegation, and the Burmese border delegation.
The fact that the military delegation is headed by the "Deputy Chief of General Staff" General Chang Ai-ping and concurrently commander of the Kunming Military District is significant because Kunming is the capital of Yunan province which is contiguous to Burma, Laos and Vietnam and known to be used as an operation base of the Chinese Communist forces for their southward advance into Southeast Asia. The magnitude and complexity of the mission show the extensiveness of the activities planned by the Chinese Communists in Burma.
In his statement at the Rangoon airport on January 2, 1961, Chou harped again on his favorite theme of the so-called "five principles of co-existence" which he said has enabled two nations of different social systems to live peacefully on friendly terms. As long as peace better serves Communist purposes, there is no reason to doubt his sincerity for "peaceful co-existence" with Burma. But the size and organization of the mission reflects the multifarious infiltration attempted by the Chinese Communists under the peaceful slogan of "co-existence". Chow's campaign of smiles can be explained by the fact that friendship with Burma is now necessary for transforming Burma into a Communist-controlled country but also for the military operation of the Chinese Communists in the southern Shan States of Burma where anti-Communist volunteers have been reported to be very active. Besides, such a pretension of friendliness to the Burmese people will create a false sense of security among the Laotian, the Thai and the Vietnamese peoples who are now the direct objectives of the Chinese Communists' military actions.
The free world may have overlooked for too long the significant fact that the Vietminh regime is now in possession of the most powerful army in Southeast Asia, numbering more than 200,000 men which is larger than the total of all the armed forces of the other Southeast Asian countries. This proves the extent of the efforts made in recent years by the Chinese and Russian Communists to build up the military strength of the Vietminh Communists. Such a large Vietminh force in the neighborhood of Vietnam and the Kingdom of Laos should be a good reminder of the danger inherent in Communist "peace" to the neutralist Burmese Government and other countries in Southeast Asia.
From the contrast between Communist "peace" in Burma and their "war" in Laos, one cannot fail to understand the strategy of the Chinese Communists for their conquest of Southeast Asia, namely, the alternative use of "peace" under the "five principles of co-existence" and "war" under the disguise of either internal strife or national revolutionary movements.