Spring in the year 1853. Throughout China farmers were busy sowing their fields and preparing for the festival of Ch'ing Ming, when the graves would be cleaned and repaired. Already the offerings had been placed before the ancestral tablets in millions of homes. Soon the feasting would begin. In such areas, where the spring songs and customs of the olden time were still remembered, young men and maids went into the valleys seeking the marsh-flowers and sweet-smelling peonies. In Peking, it was the time of selection when the Emperor would choose additions to his harem. Outside the gate of the Palace of Feminine Repose, a bevy of beauties had been waiting since dawn. Hsien Feng, just twenty years of age and one year on the Dragon Throne, made his appearance with his Court Chamberlain at sunset. The eunuchs had been at their posts for some hours, endeavouring to calm the tempers of the aspirants for the imperial couch. The long waiting had resulted in frayed nerves, especially in the cases of those who had attended by command. As each passed before the young Emperor, that most degraded creature in China conferred with his eunuchs as to whether this or that maiden would yield him the pleasure his sensuousness craved for. When the long list had nearly been completed and only a few remained for his vicious inspection, one of these, wearied no doubt by the long delay, gave vent to her pent-up feelings and castigated the besotted Hsien Feng with words of fire and hate: "Have not the T'ai Pings seized the Yangtze Valley? Has not Nanking fallen? Is not half your Empire as good as lost? Yet you, the Son of Heaven, are more concerned with the selection of women to minister to your pleasure than in finding competent generals to defend your Empire". Then, while the eunuchs attempted to silence her, she flung out the words "The T'ai Pings will soon be knocking at your palace gates".
There is good reason to believe that this story is true as it appears to be well authenticated and not just the romancing of some annalist desirous of creating a Chinese Cassandra. However, it is a fact that on the morning of March 8, 1853, (in our reckoning), and just a few days before Hsien Feng's inspection of the maids, more than 70,000 T'ai Pings had appeared before the walls of Nanking. For some weeks rumours had been reaching Nanking of the advancing host, and the garrison there, comprising some 6,000 Tartar Bannermen, had augmented its strength by enlisting 7,000 of the population. But this combined force could do little against the deadly threat slowly approaching by land and river. Reports had said that the "water is alive with boats". Nanking fell like a ripe apple from a shaken tree. In a few hours the ancient capital of the Mings was the scene of terrible slaughter and havoc. One of the T'ai Pings admitted that "we slew them all and then threw their bodies into the river". When, a few days later, the news reached Peking, there was consternation. There were urgent meetings of the Grand Council, but recrimination was so rife, that days passed before any decision as to the course to be adopted could be reached. During those anxious days, as fresh reports continued to arrive, the members of the Grand Council and the Censorate must often have recalled those daring words of the maid, shouted at Emperor Hsien Feng, as his eunuchs dragged her away, "You tear the daughters of the people from their homes and imprison them in your Palace, where they never again breathe the air of freedom, so that you may enjoy yourself for a brief space".
During the previous eighteen months, the T'ai Pings had carried all before them and their march through the countryside of Kwangsi had been something of a triumphal procession. Much had happened since that November day of 1851 when the historic assembly had met in the valley of the mountain chain running from the Kwangtung border westward to the Kwangsi coast. Hung had despatched envoys to the different centres, from Seang to Kwei on the western slope of the range and from Ho to Yolin and Popih on the eastern side, to summon the leaders of each congregation to conference. Over the mountains the delegates had made their way to the appointed place like Covenanters, ever watchful of the Manchu officials, who were scouring the country to ascertain the strength of the movement. At the assembly, Hung had stressed the urgent need for action, as Peking was now determined to crush them. He then announced that he had received a further commission from Heaven to establish in Nanking, the former Ming capital, a new dynasty, to be, known as "T'ai Ping" or Great Peace dynasty. The assembly had agreed to announce its campaign throughout the country, far and wide, and call upon the people everywhere to give their support. The decree stated:
"Our Heavenly Prince has received the Divine commission to exterminate the Manchus utterly, men, women, and children, to destroy all idolaters, and to possess the Empire as its true sovereign. The Empire and everything in it is his, its mountains and rivers, its broad lands and treasuries; you, and all that you have, your family, males and females, from yourself to your youngest child, and your property, from your patrimonial estates to the bracelet on your infant's arm. We command the services of all and we take everything. All who resist us are rebels, idolatrous demons, and we shall kill them without sparing; but whoever acknowledges our Heavenly Prince and exerts himself in our service shall have full reward, due honour and rank in the armies and court of the Heavenly Dynasty".
As this decree has been completely misunderstood and misinterpreted by those who have sought to find in Hung Hsiu-ch'uan a proto-Communist, it will be examined in detail later in our appraisal of the Tai Ping leader.
The assembly then proceeded to the question of organization. Now that the movement had become a politico-military campaign, it was necessary to organise for the tasks ahead. Military leadership had to be determined, the control of supplies arranged, as well as the means of meeting the demands of an ever-increasing host on the march formulated.
The first decision was that Ling Shih-pah should remain and take charge of those who could not join in the march. The work of the many congregations in Kwangtung and Kwangsi could not be abandoned. Reports by Governor Yih of Kwangtung to Peking as well as the memorial of the imperial Commissioner Seu indicate how effectively Ling carried out his charge. No sooner had the host begun their march and Ling commenced his work of consolidating the congregations than the district magistrate ordered Ling's house to be fired. But this terrorism only intensified Ling's zeal and the fervour of the God-worshippers. The memorial of Commissioner Seu in 1851 noted this in words that remind us Gibbon's references to the steadfastness of the early Christians under similar circumstances. Here is one excerpt from his memorial:
"Those who join the God-worshippers become so infatuated as never to recant. They regard dying as merely going home. Their contempt of danger and their readiness to die for their principles occasion the surprise of officials and people alike. Foreigners in the Imperial service, who have witnessed the execution of a number of these God-worshippers have noted the same thing. The prisoners submit so calmly to their fate that all who see them are astonished. They are not to be compared with the rebels in any other society".
It is interesting to note that in all the official reports from Kwangtung and Kwangsi in 1850 and 1851, the only charge made against the God-worshippers was that they belonged to the same group that was then marching towards Nanking. There was no reference whatever to any other matter. In fact, the members of the various congregations toiled on their land as vigorously as ever; they did not engage in any subversive activity, but contented themselves with the building of more churches and persuading others to accept their faith. However, this was given a sinister interpretation in official quarters and the blameless lives they lived were not disassociated from their connection with the host, which, as the official reports indicated, was taking city after city, in its triumphant march. For some reason, not mentioned in the rescripts, Ling Shih-pah decided to go to Yangan when that city was occupied by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan but was intercepted. One Peking order, which claimed that Ling was Hung's father, directed that "the notorious Ling Shih-pah of the religious bandits must not be allowed to join up with the equally guilty Hung Hsiu-ch'uan".
But to return to the matter of organisation. By unanimous consent, Hung Hsiu-ch'uan assumed the title of Tien Wang or Heavenly Prince, an office which was spiritual in character, similar to that of Moses when the Hebrews set out on their forty years trek through unfriendly territories on their way to the Promised Land. His task was to settle disputes, encourage waverers, strengthen any weakening line by his inspiration, and, in general, guide the host in its march to Nanking. Hung might have had in mind those words which Shih K'o-fa, in the last days of Ming dynasty, used in his blunt memorial to the Throne; words, which in other circumstances, could have cost him his head. But the Manchus were then pressing down from the north with the flower of their armies and the Grand Canal so alive with their speeding boats in that year 1644 that even the demoralised Emperor and the scheming eunuchs of his court dare not resent the admonition of the gallant General when he wrote to Nanking that "A supreme ruler is needed to inspire the nation with courage and patriotism, for without such, no national spirit can exist. History has approved this principle and has recognised that in no other way can the fortunes of the State be preserved". Hung knew that affairs in China in 1851 were as in 1644.
On Hung's suggestion, the assembly had then appointed four Wangs as area commanders; Fung Yun-san as Nan Wang (Southern Prince), Hsiao Chou-kwei as Shih Wang (Western Prince), Wei Ching as Pei Wang (Northern Prince)" and Yang Hsiu-tsing as Chung Wang (Eastern Prince). To these was added Shih Ta-kai as Shi Wang (Assistant Prince). It is probable that this distribution of responsibility was made with Nanking in mind, each Wang to have that part of China assigned to him, to administer. It is interesting to note that Ts'ao has now become Hsiao, but this may be due to some confusion in the records. There was a great variance in names given by Peking and those registered by foreigners in China at the time.
Hitherto, no definite title had been recognised by the followers of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. They were generally known as God-worshippers but now that they had become a military force as well as a religious fraternity, it was decided to adopt the designation Shang Ti Hui. Doubtless, the purpose was to give cohesion and inspiration to its members, now a fighting force. In this connection the term had a deeper meaning than just society. Shang Ti Hui signified the Army of God. Henceforth, Shang Ti was the God of Hosts, much like the Yahweh Sabaoth of the Old Testament. After all, this was not strange. Had not Allah led the Saracens to victory after victory, right across the African littoral? Had he not marched with the Moors right to the gates of Paris? Does not the Christian still refer to God as "Lord of our far-flung battle line?'
It must have been a colourful, spectacle on that early morning in the year 1851, when the "Soldiers of God" set out from that Kwangsi valley on their march to Nanking. They had discarded the queue, the sign of subjection, and instead wore their hair long over their shoulders. This had given them the sobriquet chang mao (long haired). Rescripts from Peking mentioned the leader Hung Hsiu-ch'uan as "tall, red faced, and with a sandy beard, and about 40 years of age", Yang Hsiu-tsing as "about 35 years old, with a mustache and a face showing marks of smallpox"; Hsiao Chou-kwei as "about 30 years old and of fair complexion," Fung Yun-san as "a pale-faced literary graduate about 32 years old", and Wei Ching as "about 25 years old, dark, and with a small mustache". Hung and the five Princes led the host, clad in their Ming costumes of yellow hoods shaped like helmets, with yellow jackets and long yellow gowns. Behind these were the officers in their corresponding Ming robings. Behind these were the 13,000 rank and file in ordinary clothes. The hills echoed the hymns they sang as they marched on, adding to the numbers from each village they passed through.
It was in one of these villages that they heard of the proclamation issued by Viceroy Yang to the effect that "Whoever can take alive the leader of the long-haired rebels, now in the district of Yangan, shall be rewarded with 100,000 taels. Also, he shall receive the special favour of the Emperor and be elevated to a position of dignity. To any person who can capture or kill any long-haired rebel, 50 taels of silver will be given". There is no evidence that this reward was claimed by anybody.
Yangan offered little resistance and the "Soldiers of God" remained there for some months, securing supplies and weapons. The inventory, made by the assembly before the march began, had revealed plenty of cannon but a shortage of smaller arms. Spears, swords, and ordinary farming implements had to be requisitioned to make up for this until some victory over the enemy provided the necessary weapons.
In April 1852 Yangan was left behind. An attempt to occupy the Kwangsi provincial capital, Kweilin, was abandoned after a month's hard but fruitless fighting, and in the latter part of June, the great southern watershed into Hunan Province was crossed and the city of Kweiyang entered. Moving rapidly north, an attack was launched against Changsha the provincial capital, but, after a siege of three months, which showed little signs of weakening the defences, it was decided to press on towards Yochou and the Tungting Lake. The Manchu garrisons in that part of the country, according to Hung's intelligence officers, were very weak and little difficulty was experienced in occupying villages and towns. Some welcomed the T'ai Pings and offered to replenish their food supplies, which had become severely depleted as a result of the large number of new followers who had joined the ranks.
By the end of 1852, the three cities of Hanyang, Hankow, and Wuchang had been occupied and three months devoted to the preparation and provisioning of a huge river armada for the advance on Nanking, some 400 miles down stream. "Whatever was needed was commandeered without question or explanation. Enthusiasm ran high and the series of successes inspired leaders and ranks alike to believe that nothing could stand in the way of ultimate victory. Shortly the "Heavenly Dynasty" would be established in Nanking. God the Father was leading the host and like "the Hebrews under the guidance of Jehovah, the Saracens under the leadership of Allah, and the Puritans under the summons of God, the T'ai Pings were divinely destined to conquer and rule. Their great captain, Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, the Tien Wang, was under the special protection of Heaven, and the Chinese Midianites, Moabites, Amalekites and others of the foe, must give way before him. The God of Hosts was leading the way.
Early in 1853, Hung was established in Nanking, and for the next eleven years, as "Heavenly Prince", he was to control a region, extending on the north along the southern border of Honan Province to Ichang in Hupeh Province at the foot of the gorges, then south into Hunan Province as far as Changsha, then into Kiangsi Province to Nanchang and through Anhui Province to Nanking. Some of the cities in the area, as Nanchang, Changsha, and Kungchow, were gained only to be lost and regained, and in some cases changing hands three times. As soon as Nanking had been consecrated as "Heavenly Capital", abode of the Great Peace, a regular army was formed, and such as had marched with the T'ai Pings from the south but no longer wished to remain in the forces were discharged and allowed to engage in any occupation of their choice. Many were given land. The Chung Wang, in his autobiography, written later in prison, assures us that no compulsion was used, but everybody enjoyed freedom of action. The first task of the regular army was to rid Nanking and the adjacent region of all Manchu officials. As in all Oriental courts, there was much glamour and splendour in the Palace of the "Heavenly Prince" and his Christianity did not prevent him from living in luxury with his wives. The four Wangs who took up their stations in the different parts of the country, as military administrators, appear to have lived on a similarly sumptuous level, if we are to judge from the accounts recorded at the time. However, it has to be remembered that most of those records emanated from Manchu sources.
On June 6, 1853, Hung Hsiu-ch'uan issued his appeal to the people of China. According to the custom that prevailed during the lifetime of the regime, all such pronouncements were made in the names of the Eastern and Western Princes. Because of the historic importance of this first Nanking proclamation, it is here reproduced in full, as it appeared in the 1854 Shanghai Miscellany.
"When the will of Heaven is determined, the minds of men should be compliant: Heaven having now produced the true sovereign to rule the people, they ought to yield their minds to his renovating influence. It is to be regretted, that ever since the Tartars have thrown the Chinese empire into confusion, they have induced the people to worship corrupt spirits and to reject the true spirit, while they rebel against God; they have moreover required the people to assume the appearance of imps, and to divest themselves of the human form; by all which means they have roused the vengeance of high Heaven. Besides this they have oppressed our people, and brought calamities on the living intelligences. They have made the stink of their covetous practices to rise up to heaven, while they have degraded literature to the very dust. The agricultural and mechanical classes have been distressed, every year experiencing greater troubles; while the mercantile classes in coming and going have been severely taxed at each barrier. Thus all within the four seas are grieved in mind, and the inhabitants of the middle region look on with indignant glance.
We, the generals above-named, having received the excellent decree of Heaven, and being unable to endure the spectacle of people ground down to the earth, have elevated the righteous standard, with the view of exterminating the Tartar hordes, and have marshalled the royal troops, in order to overcome the wicked one. In every district through which we have passed, the people have welcomed us as they would the seasonable showers; and wherever our standards have appeared, the inhabitants have felt as if they were delivered from the greatest calamity; which shows that the will of Heaven is evidently on our side, and that the minds of men incline towards us. Ever since we commenced this great undertaking in the province of Kwangse, the first ranks of those who have come out against our royal troops have inverted their weapons in indication of submission; while those who have been influenced by the fear of Heaven's majesty, have on the first report of our arrival lost all heart for defending the enemy.
Now having set up the new dynasty, we especially enjoin it on all living people reverently to worship God, and set aside all corrupt spirits, in order to gratify the mind of Heaven and obtain celestial blessedness. Let the learned, agricultural, mechanical and commercial classes vigorously attend to their several employments. From the date of this proclamation let everyone peacefully abide in his native region, and contentedly follow his usual avocation. Our virtuous soldiers will not touch an atom of their property, so that there is no need for the least apprehension. Let traders proceed to their markets without fear, looking for a speedy revival of the country. On this account we issue our special proclamation, in order to quiet the honest inhabitants. Let this be circulated throughout the empire for the information of all, so that everyone may reverently obey. Do not oppose. A special proclamation."
It was not long, however, before Hung had to face trouble from within. Perhaps, under the circumstances, such was inevitable. Yang Hsiu-tsing conceived the idea of supplanting Hung as the Tien Wang. In order to understand the situation, it must be remembered that Hung took no part in military or administrative affairs. He was the spiritual director of his people, very much like the Japanese Emperors during the days of the Shogunate. Yang was not happy as the Chung Wang, responsible for affairs in the eastern sector of the country. He was, by nature, a visionary, given to trances. It will be remembered how, in the early days of the movement, Hung had been summoned to Kwangsi to allay the fears of some congregations over the visions that Yang professed to have had. The other three Wangs, sensing what was now in Yang's mind, agreed that he should be demoted. Just what did really eventuate has never been made clear but Yang departed this life one evening after a quarrel with Hung. It has been stated that 'he was murdered by the other three Wangs.
The position of Chung Wang was filled by a young man Li Hsiu-ch'eng, who had joined the God-worshippers in Kwangsi, and who proved to be the most notable acquisition to the regime. Already he had won approval for the part he had played in setting out the administration in Nanking and not only was held in high regard by Hung and the Wangs but also was popular among the people. On assuming the post of Chung Wang, he set about his task as Eastern Prince, both in its military and civil aspects, with vigour and enterprise. The authors of the Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking have singled him out from among all the T'ai Pings for this tribute:
"His military genius was undeniable and his personal character entirely admirable; so much so, that not only was he idolised by his soldiers, but by the people, whom he protected, so far as in him lay, against oppression. He was a strict disciplinarian, insisted on the regular payment of the troops under his command, and punished rape with decapitation. He combined the qualities of a good fighting man with a gentle and pious nature".
Years later, Yuan Shih-k'ai, as President of China, was to confer posthumous honours on him.
No sooner had the threat of Yang Hsiu-tsing's ambition been removed than Hung had to face another rival in the person of Chu K'i-shun, who claimed descent from the Mings and was already styling himself "Tien Ti". He issued a proclamation in which he referred to himself as "the seventh descendant of Hung Wu of the Great Ming Dynasty" and closed the same with the assertion that "Heaven has decreed that I avenge the wrongs done to my ancestors". He seemed, however, to have forgotten that lineal descent has never meant much in Chinese history.
Not content with this proclamation, he had a manifesto attached to the walls of Nanking, setting forth his claim in poetic effusion:
"A design to make the people tranquil and happy,
Let none be alarmed or disheartened.
I seek only to restore the Great Ming dynasty,
And overthrow the Tartar usurpation".
Of course Chu had to be dealt with, if only verbally. Hung issued his statement under the names of the Shih Wang and Chung Wang. It said that "According to the scriptures, the Heavenly Father and Great God (Hwang Shang Ti) made the world in six days but there were times when the Great God manifested righteous anger against the world". The flood was one of these manifestations of anger. Then the deliverance of the Israelities from Egypt. "Again in 1837, the Great God became angry with the world and sent an angel to bear our celestial Prince up to Heaven, whom he appointed to be the destroyer of demons and give peace. Later in 1848, the Great God had compassion on the world and wrought many miracles". "But", it continued "the Great God is still angry because so many continue to worship false gods and refuse to obey His laws". It concludes with an appeal to all to "worship the true God and thus find the way to Heaven". This reply seems to have been effective, as no further challenge to Hung's position is on record.
What of the ordinary people within the T'ai Ping dominion? We must answer this question, not by applying Western standards, but rather by comparison with conditions in Peking, the capital of the Manchus. As the T'ai Pings were determined to destroy that regime, their Nanking administration must be examined in the light of its northern rival. Too often have historians judged the T'ai Pings according to the canons of the West, with the result that their true place in Chinese history has been overlooked. Also, as later, the Peking regime was to receive Western support, especially from Britain, against the T'ai Pings, it is most important that the two be carefully and impartially examined and compared.
Hsien Feng had been on the Dragon Throne nearly three years when the T'ai Pings established themselves at Nanking, and his son, T'ung Chih, who succeeded him, was to be about the same period as ruler in Peking when the Heavenly Dynasty ended in 1864, although Hsien Feng's widow, Tzu Hsi, was the actual ruler. During those eleven years, the "tree of demoralisation brought forth its predestined fruits, whose evil savour was to infect the Forbidden City, henceforth, until the passing of the dynasty. Hsien Feng came to the throne at the age of nineteen, a thoroughly dissolute and depraved specimen of humanity, physically and morally contemptible. He died a fugitive and a physical wreck at Jehol in his thirtieth year. Whatever was left of virility and patriotism at Peking gnashed its teeth in impotent rage, not so much because of the imminence of danger, as because of the hopeless depravity of the Sovereign and the men whom he delighted to honour. Rome was burning whilst China's Nero not only fiddled but danced obscenely to his own music. Whilst province after province passed through fire and sword to acknowledge the sway of the Rebel Emperor, the Lord of Heaven busied himself in orgies of unspeakable debauchery in the low haunts of the Chinese quarter". The diary of a court official tells how Tung Chih had an opening made in the wall, just outside the Gate of Perpetual Peace, so that he could slip out, unobserved, to frequent the brothels in the Ch'ien Men area, and it became a matter of common gossip that he was frequently involved in drunken brawls in that part of the city. His chief interest was not in the collection of Han bronze tripods, Sung ink slabs or Ming vases, but rather in the shops of Liu Li-ch'ang, where he had a standing order for the most lewd carvings and paintings. His mother, Tzu Hsi, the "Old Buddha" of later times, had assumed virtual control after his father's death, and her licentiousness reached such depths, that even many court officials at Peking expressed their strong resentment, and that is saying a great deal for Peking in 1861. Indeed, it was rumoured that, before his death, Emperor Hsien Feng had become so disgusted with his scheming wife, that he directed the most powerful member of the imperial clan, Su Shun, himself a most notorious scoundrel to "slay the Western Empress (Tzu Hsi) for she must not be allowed to live and ruin the dynasty". Such an order, out of the depths of the infamy and debauchery that were Hsien Feng was, in itself, a terrible criticism of what official Peking must have been during the years that the Heavenly Dynasty was ruling at Nanking. The latter had many defects and, without doubt, there was corruption together with Oriental extravagance, but an honest attempt was made to cleanse official life and benefit the lot of the people. The Chung Wang (Eastern Prince) had much to do with this as the entire organisation of the capital was in his hands.
One of his first tasks was the setting-up of an administration, composed of officials, who were above corruption. Proficiency at the public examinations was to be the only means of entering the public service. As already pointed out, from the time of Emperor Ch'ien Lung, Manchus without any qualifications, had been given high official posts, and these had Chinese deputies who performed the duties of their Manchu superiors, and in order to secure their posts, they paid large sums which had to be borrowed and repaid by extortionate demands on the people. The Chung Wang was determined that, from the outset, the government was to be clean. In the past, the examination system, notwithstanding the narrow limits of the curriculum, had given China a body of officials, who were not only proficient but who maintained a reasonable high standard of ethical behaviour in the discharge of their official duties. The son of the poorest household had as good a chance of reaching the top as the son of the wealthy. The regular stream of graduates meant that any official, engaging in corrupt practices, was liable to be speedily replaced, and the general effect was to promote a system with a certain standard of morality in public administration. The Chung Wang aimed at regaining that standard and one of his first directives was to give a prominent place in the curriculum to proficiency in Bible knowledge. In 1853 he established a printing press in Nanking for the publication of Bibles.
Agrarian reform also occupied a leading place in the T'ai Ping policy. Land was taken from those who had more than the area judged necessary for their own sustenance and given to the landless. Many of the restrictions on the activities of the gentry were severe, almost savage, but these have to be viewed against the background of the times. Some modern Chinese scholars regard this T'ai Ping agrarian programme as the real significance of the movement and believe that many who took an active part in it did so from economic rather than religious reasons. The family remained the basis of society and the private ownership of land was protected. When the Chung Wang had been asked the meaning of T'ai Ping he had replied: "When every farmer owns his farm and is without debt, that will be the T'ai Ping; when the Tartar no longer oppresses the people with heavy taxation, that will be T'ai Ping". In other words, the Great Peace, the T'ai Ping T'ien Kuo, would be real, when the peasant was free from the oppression of the State, and free from debt, and free to worship the Great God.
Records of foreigners who visited Nanking and other centres of T'ai Ping rule have been preserved and these afford a fairly clear idea of what that administration was. Mr. T. T. Meadows, at one time official interpreter to the British Consulate at Canton and later Consul at Shanghai, accompanied Sir George Bonham, Superintendent of Trade and Governor of Hongkong, on his visit to Nanking, just after the establishment of the T'ai Pings there. His reports and impressions appeared in various official papers as well as in the "North China Herald". Most of these are rather lengthy but they leave no doubt as to the reaction of the mind of the British official towards the T'ai Pings. In Nanking he talked with Wei Ching, the Northern Prince. "He (Wei Ching) said that as children and worshippers of the one God, we were all brethren, and after receiving my assurances that such had long been our view, he enquired if I knew the 'Heavenly Rules'. I replied that I was most likely acquainted with them, though unable to recognise them under that name; and, after a moment's thought, asked if they were ten in number. He answered in the affirmative. I then began repeating the substance of the first of the Ten Commandments, but had not proceeded far before he laid his hand on my shoulder in a friendly way and exclaimed 'The same as ourselves'. He then stated that we might be intimate friends. He added that we might walk about where we pleased. He spoke repeatedly of a foreigner in Canton, named Lo ho sun, as being a good man, who cured the sick without remuneration". Lo ho sun was the Chinese name of Missionary Roberts, who had instructed Hung Hsiu-ch'uan years earlier.
Mr. Meadows took Wei Ching at his word and wandered about Nanking. He conversed with officials, questioned workmen by the river-side and was deeply impressed. "Their moral code" he wrote later "proved to be the Ten Commandments and the observance of them is strictly enforced by the leaders, who are not merely formal professors of a religious system, but practical Christians, deeply influenced by the belief that God is always with them". One workman, with whom he talked for some time, referred to the Manchus and remarked "they that spread all kinds of lies about us, saying that we employ magical arts, but the only kind of magic we have used is prayer to God, and if it be the will of God that our T'ai Ping Prince shall be the Sovereign of China, he will be the Sovereign of China; if not, then we shall all die". Concerning one of the officials he met during his tour of Nanking, Mr. Meadows recorded how he was impressed by the undoubted sincerity of the man. "He was a shrivelled-up, elderly little individual, but he could think the thoughts and speak the speech of a hero. He and the others like him have succeeded in infusing their own sentiments of courage and morality to no slight extent, considering the materials operated upon, into the minds of their adherents". Reflecting on his visit to the T'ai Pings several years later, when Britain had decided to give full support to the Peking Government, Mr. Meadows expressed the opinion that "If these People (T'ai Pings) succeed in their difficult enterprise of establishing themselves in the sovereignty of the country, the few prejudices that might cling to the present generation must eventually disappear and with their success a totally unhoped-for prospect would open to us of obtaining, by purely amicable means, complete freedom of commercial action throughout the whole of the Chinese Empire, provided we do not give them just grounds of mortal offence, when struggling with the dangers of their early career". If only Westminster had followed the advice of the man on the spot, who understood the situation!
Some time after his visit to Nanking, Mr. Meadows was at Chinkiang, a city at the junction of the Yang-tze and the Great Canal. The Manchu Imperialists, with the aid of some Portuguese mercenaries, were bombarding the T'ai Ping positions there and a number of British seamen had deserted from their ships to join them, attracted by promises of rich rewards. A party of British officers had been sent to Chinkiang to trace the deserters and secure information on the latest developments there. Mr. Meadows accompanied them as interpreter. Attracted by workmen, who were constructing earthworks and other fortifications on the river bank, he went ashore, and was soon in conversation with them. Later he visited several of the outlying villages. His own words best convey the nature of his talks with the people. "One of the most curious sights was that of some half-dozen countrymen working in the rice fields as quietly as it had been a land of peace. I descended a knoll and was soon surrounded by a number of rustics, young and old. When I told them that I was neutral, they spoke about both contending parties with great frankness. The information given by these villagers convinced me that it is the policy of the T'ai Pings to abstain as much as possible from extending their system of conscription of the usual hardships of the food-producing classes. While they take possession of government corn stores as theirs by right and probably do not spare the stores of large corn merchants in the towns they enter, it is certain that they purchase from the farmers and make a point of giving liberal prices. The villagers fo1d me that the Imperialists (Manchus) had subjected them to far greater annoyance than the T'ai Pings had done".
An American missionary, Dr. Taylor, was another who had contacts with the T'ai Pings at Chinkiang. He had set out from Shanghai with the intention of proceeding to Nanking, but within a few miles of Chinkiang, the Chinese crew of the junk refused to go further. Shanghai was filled with rumours at the time, originating with the British merchants and the supporters of the Chinese Imperialists, none of which credited the T'ai Pings with being other than savages. Probably the Shanghai crew of Dr. Taylor's junk had been influenced by these. However, nothing daunted, the missionary proceeded on foot to Chinkiang and remained there for some days, during which he was "well received and well treated'. His greatest difficulty was with the dialect, with which he was not conversant. He did, however, attend one of the T'ai Ping services and in a subsequent interview with the "North China Herald", set down his impressions. "We understand" stated the interviewer "that Dr. Taylor was present at their (T'ai Pings) worship, which consisted of chanting hymns and doxologies in a very solemn manner and remaining seated. Then all kneeled, apparently with great reverence, closing their eyes, while one of them uttered an audible prayer. Their chanting was accompanied with the usual dissonant instruments employed by Chinese at their festivals. These acts of worship were repeated twice or thrice a day and included grace before meat, after which they proceeded to the tables without further ceremony. He (Dr. Taylor) was impressed with the calm and earnest enthusiasm that pervaded the entire body and the perfect confidence evinced in the justice of their cause and its final success. During his stay there (Chinkiang) Dr. Taylor lodged with the T'ai Ping Commandant".
Despatches published in the "North China Herald" during July 1853-June 1854 show that during that period, British, French, and Amercan visits were made to ports as far up the river as Wuhu. The American Minister, Mr. McLane, has given us an account of his visit. He stated, inter alia, that "Here (Wuhu) the most cordial feeling was manifested by both authorities and people. The visit to this place was of great interest, as it afforded the opportunity of learning from personal observations the character of the insurgent rule over the people in districts, which are no longer the seat of war. The state of things is entirely different from that at Nanking. The people are engaged in their ordinary avocations; shops are open and trade carried on as under the old regime, though the former prosperity of the place is by no means restored. Here there is no separation of the men and women, as at Nanking, but the laws prohibiting the use of opium and tobacco are rigidly enforced. The people stand in great awe of their rulers and are obviously governed with a strong hand". The American Minister was of the opinion that the arrogant pretences of the T'ai Pings were due to "ignorance and pride" and the French Commander, in one of his reports, thought "the present arrogant disposition (of the T'ai Pings) will probably wear off, should circumstances bring them into more frequent contact with foreigners".
The T'ai Pings were not entirely free from suspicion as to the purposes of these visits. Mr. McLane was convinced that the entertaining of the Chinese Imperialist Admiral and his suite on board the American warship Susquehannah, within sight of the T'ai Pings off Chinkiang, has caused such suspicion. As a result, said the American Minister "they are naturally averse to such visits because they cannot understand their object, and it is not strange that they should be suspicious of those whom they know to be on friendly terms with their enemies. How are they to know that their visitors are not spies, seeking to gain information for the benefit of the Imperialist generals?" It is true that the T'ai Pings had fired shots ahead of British, French, and American warships, but this was merely a precautionary measure. The T'ai Ping Commander at Chinkiang had stated earlier that "it has been found necessary to stop all vessels ascending the river, but when it is found to be a friendly vessel, no further action will be taken". Surely both Imperialists and T'ai Pings were within their rights in following such procedure as all nations claim such in respect of their territorial waters. After all, the Yang-tze is in China. When the Susquehannah was nearing Nanking and the T'ai Ping authorities were assured that the visit was friendly, she was given a good reception both by the leaders and the populace, "the crowds assembling on all the flat land outside the north-east wall of the city" as one American report stated. At that time, arrogance was no monopoly of the Chinese, whether T'ai Ping or Manchu, as it was not wanting among British, French, and Americans, the only difference being that the Chinese had rights but not the means of enforcing them.
Like the builders of the wall of Jerusalem, the T'ai Pings were in constant fear of attack. In a comparatively short time, they had laid the foundations of their new order. The reconstruction of life in Nanking was proceeding and the country under their control, gradually settling down to the altered conditions. But the leaders were well aware that Peking would not permit this to continue. Sooner or later the assault would have to be faced. It was essential, however, that this must be kept at a distance, until such time as their work had been consolidated. Some strategy must be devised to keep the Imperialist forces occupied at a distance to the north. In July 1853, a council was convened in Nanking, at which it was decided to send an expeditionary force north for the purpose of diverting the attention of the Manchu armies from Central China. The responsibility of this campaign was placed in the hands of the Northern Prince (Wei Ching), who led his forces out of Nanking several months later. Crossing the Yangtze, the T'ai Pings forced their way past Tungching in northwest Anhui, then to Kaifeng in Honan, and swinging left, they crossed the Yellow River carrying all before them as far as Hongtung in Shansi Province. From there they swept into Chili Province right to Tsinghai, where they were hal ted. They had marched from victory to victory over a distance of 1,400 miles since leaving Nanking. At Tsinghai they decided to dig themselves in and await reinforcements before attacking Tientsin, only about 20 miles distant. Once that was taken, the road to Peking would be open. No estimate of the strength of the army that left Nanking is available but the Peking Gazette stated that "not less than 8,000 rebels are encamped outside Tsinghai". When we consider the distance covered, the difficulties that had to be surmounted and the opposition that had to be faced, especially in country where there were many Manchu strongholds, we cannot but be amazed at the skill of the T'ai Ping leadership and the determination of the troops to gain their objective. Morale must have been high in contrast to the demoralisation of the Imperialist armies.
When the request for reinforcements reached Nanking, there was great jubilation, especially when it became known that such a distant point had been reached. Immediately the army at Anking, which had been engaged in consolidating positions there and further up the Yangtze Vally, was ordered to proceed to Tsinghai. The Shih Wang (Western Prince) was instructed to lose no time in linking up with the Pei Wang there. Nanking was already preparing to celebrate the fall of Peking. The Shih Wang led his army by way of Luchow, some twenty miles before the Great Canal was reached, the army moved parallel with it, converging on the Great Canal at Linsing in Shantung. In a few days the encampment of the Pei Wang was reached. It had been a forced march as the T'ai Ping plan was to attack Tientsin before the Imperialist forces could be organised. They had suffered a crushing defeat at Linsing, where the T'ai Pings had smashed through their resistance, although the finest of the Manchu forces were there and stiffened with detachments of Mongol cavalry.
Emperor Hsien Feng seems to have had a fleeting return of sobriety and responsibility when the news reached Peking that the second T'ai Ping army had smashed its way past Linsing to Tsinghai. The Grand Council in Peking had been confident that nothing could stand against their armies at Linsing. "These rebels are taking city after city" cried out Hsien Feng to the members of the Grand Council, as they assembled to discuss the latest news, and consider the offer of the Tartar chieftains to assist. Their earlier offer had been refused as Peking was not disposed to place too much faith in the descendants of Jenghis Khan. Their ancestors had once ruled China and they themselves may not have abandoned all hope of again raising their cow-tail standard over the country. "We must do something, for these rebels are sweeping towards Peking without losing a 'battle" was Hsien Feng's comment. These words decided the matter, for the Peking Gazette of August 15, 1854 announced that "Ch'ahar troops, numbering 4,000 have arrived in Peking and are quartered on the south side of the city. The Emperor has ordered that they receive rice instead of money and 500 sheep". Those Ch'ahars belonged to the Mongol tribe, whose spokesman once remarked to M. Huc: "You know the rule of the Empire; when the enemy appears, the Chinese are the first to be sent against them; next the Manchus, and if the war does not end, the signal is given to the banners of our Ch'ahars, and the mere sound of our horses' approach is enough to subdue the enemy."
The dash of these Tartar horsemen put new heart into the Imperialist armies, which attacked the combined T'ai Ping forces and drove them back till the retreat developed into a flight. They fought rearguard battles all along the route, making desperate attempts to delay the southward thrust of the Imperialist forces. Inspired by their successes, these were now determined to drive right on to Nanking. What eventually happened to the T'ai Pings has not been recorded but their northern adventure had been successful in giving Nanking two years in which to consolidate its position, by drawing off those Manchu forces from Central China, which, doubtless, would have been used against the T'ai Ping capital.
Meanwhile, events had been moving rapidly in the Shanghai area. The Triads, encouraged by the victories of Wei Ching and his northern armies in 1853, and knowing that Peking would be summoning its forces from all parts of the country to save the capital, determined to strike at Shanghai. Actually they held the city from the end of 1853 till February 1855. The leaders of this occupation had come from the coastal districts of South China. The Manchus were no match for the Triads but the French went to their aid and although both were heavily defeated in a pitched battle, want of supplies compelled the Triads to give up all attempts to hold the city. Few Triads remained alive when the Manchus with French assistance reoccupied Shanghai. It was unfortunate for the T'ai Pings that the Triads had used their name and flown their flag. They had even announced themselves as the "appointed officers" of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. Much sympathy was alienated from the T'ai Pings by these Triad pretensions and Hung decided to send a commission to Shanghai to investigate the position and make it clear that there was no association whatever between the T'ai Pings and the Triads. The latter, facing defeat as a result of a want of supplies, had appealed to the T'ai Ping leader for help, only to receive a blunt refusal. Hung was no believer in the doctrine of co-existence. When his commission reached Shanghai, it found the city "filled with false gods" and "opium in abundance", wherever the Triads had been. Both Mr. T. T. Meadows and Mr. M. T. Yates were witnesses of this Triad rebellion and occupation of Shanghai and both disclaimed any T'ai Ping connection with it.
No sooner had this Triad rebellion ended, and the members of that association been mercilessly slaughtered by Manchus and their French confederates, than war broke out between Britain and Imperialist China. It is usual with historians to assign a trivial happening at Canton as the cause of this struggle. An argument over a Chinese vessel, registered at Hongkong, resulted in the hauling down of the British flag. Both contending parties were represented by uncompromising persons, who, with more tact, could have settled the difficulty. But neither British Consul Parkes nor the Chinese Viceroy Yeh Ming-shen was in any mood for peaceful negotiation. Britain opened hostilities in October 1856 and Peking formally declared war. France, closely linked with Britain in the recent war in the Crimea, had little difficulty in finding a pretext. A French missionary had recently been killed by Chinese somewhere in Kwangsi Province. America declined to have any part in it, and Russia looked on, waiting the opportunity to gather up such spoils as might be available. Probably the real cause of the conflict was the trade carried on by the British merchants in Shanghai, who were supplying both contestants in the civil war with munitions, and making fortunes in the process. Peking was annoyed with what it regarded as the two-faced policy of Britain, professing friendship at one moment and arming its enemies the next. The Canton incident was merely the occasion on which this frayed temper expressed itself. However, China was defeated in the unequal conflict and had to submit to the terms imposed on her by the Treaty of Tientsin of 1856 and the supplementary Convention of Peking of 1860. Yet the strange position was that although the British were fighting the Imperialist forces in North China, they were fighting with them against the T'ai Pings in Shanghai.
It appears that from the middle of 1854, the T'ai Pings, under the Chung Wang (Eastern Prince) had been spreading towards the coast. He had 60,000 men under his command, and the route chosen was through Soochow and Hangchow, so as to avoid any collision with British and French forces along the river. By the summer of 1860, however, they had moved north from their southern stations and reached the walls of Shanghai. So it was that two struggles were in process at the one time, Britain on the side of the Imperialists in Shanghai but against them in the north.
From then on, the whole attitude of Britain towards the T'ai Pings became one of open hostility the causes of which will be noted later, but it is interesting to recall some of the correspondence that passed between the British representatives in China and the Government in London. Sir Frederick Bruce, formerly Her Majesty's Chief Superintendent of British trade in China and later Minister in Peking, writing to Lord Russell, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, under date August 1, 1860, noted that "A man called Hung-jin, a relative of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, who has been educated by Europeans, is now, I understand, the second in authority among them (T'ai Pings). He has written a pamphlet, advocating intercourse with foreigners on a footing of equality, the introduction of steam-vessels, railways and other Western inventions and containing sounder and more enlightened views of Christianity. Hung-jin has sent a copy of this pamphlet to the Protestant missionaries and has invited them to join him at Soochow". Several days prior to this, on July 28, 1860, Sir Frederick Bruce had communicated with Rev. J. Edkins of Shanghai to the effect that "at present the Taipings are merely a body of men in arms against their legitimate government, and, in my opinion, it is a question open to discussion how far foreigners, who are resident in China, under the faith of treaties with it, and whose privileges and security depend on their faithful observance, are justified in countenancing the movement by their presence and counsels". To this Mr. Edkins had replied that he intended to visit and preach to the T'ai Pings. Hung-jin also sent to the British, French, and American Consuls a letter similar to that forwarded to the missionaries and Mr. Meadows had been instructed by Sir. Frederick Bruce against "entering into any communication with the rebels".
However, the ink was hardly dry on the Convention of Peking than Britain, took an active part on the side of the Imperialists against the T'ai Pings. This began with a combined attempt to clear them out of the Shanghai-Hangchow area. In the "Memoirs of Li Hung Chang", under date June 16, 1860, we find this entry: "It has never been my belief that it is well to encourage foreigners to meddle in the home affairs of our kingdom, and I believe if I were in supreme authority now, or had been in the years of this Long-Haired rebellion, I would not have memorialised the Throne to allow the English and French to supply troops in its suppression; put Tseng Kuo-fan is a man of great wisdom and he is my strongest champion; therefore I will not criticise nor even pretend to follow a path that veers in the slightest from the one he would deem most suitable. Tseng Kuo-fan says that foreigners, at least their religion, is responsible for this present scourge, and that it is well if they lose a few thousand of their soldiers and marines in bringing an end to it". This entry shows that British and French troops were assisting the Imperialists as early as June 1860 and the reference is probably to the "Ever Victorious Army", which the American adventurer, Frederick Ward had raised in Shanghai, at the request of and with the money supplied by the British merchants there. Another entry of die same date by Li Hung Chang indicates that Britishers had been fighting with the Imperialists for the past four years. "Yet I must say" he writes "that they (foreigners) have been a great help, especially the English, who have sent, in the past four years, many well-trained soldiers to our aid". Evidently Britain was officially assisting the Manchus at the time she was protesting her neutrality.
This Ch'ang Sheng Chun - "Ever Victorious Army" - in spite of its well-trained troops and foreign command, - did not come up to expectations. Hardly had it taken the field, when its founder, Ward, was killed at Tszki. This was a great blow to Li Hung Chang who lamented the death of this "energetic fighter" as he described him, and decided to erect a shrine to his memory. But he regretted the failure of this force to make effective headway, so that in January 5, 1861, he noted in his diary that "The Ever Victorious Army has been lying in idleness now for many days and it may be necessary for me to assume command. When they are not marching or engaged in battle, they are always on the lookout for food and drink and somehow they manage to get it. But when they remain idle in large numbers they get lazy and mutinous and want their food brought to them. When they are idle, they are given to much excess and lawlessness upon their own account, and do not hesitate to demand more pay than is coming to them. I think it best to keep them fighting, then they are more likely to want to sleep at night, instead of prowling about making trouble for themselves and others". The Viceroy of Kiangsu had in mind, probably, how Burgevine, who succeeded Ward in command, had deserted to the Tai Pings, and his successor, the British ex-officer Holland, had failed completely to make an effective fighting machine out of that motley aggregation of adventurers.
However, a change was at hand. On February 18, 1863, Li Hung Chang was able to enter in his diary that "I have received word from Sir Frederick Bruce and General Stavely that one of the best of English officers, a Colonel Charles Gordon, will be given us, to command the "Ever Victorious Army." The Governor says that this fine officer will serve without pay, which is not only very gracious and generous of the Great English Government, but very pleasing to me". Britain was ready and willing to finance Colonel Gordon, while he fought for the Imperialists against the T'ai Pings. The following month, March 27, Li Hung Chang was enthusiastic over this British assistance. He wrote in his diary that "It is a direct blessing from Heaven, I believe, the coming of this British Gordon, whom I have already designated General. It appears that he has seen some service before in China with the Anglo-French troops and that he was, for a time, at Tientsin. Now that I have met him personally and we are quite friends, I am very well pleased with him". Quite so, for at their first meeting, Gordon had assured the Viceroy that "His own nation, which he said was the leading Christian country in the world, was lending all due aid to China for the suppression of the rebellion". On January 9, 1863, British Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston, had announced the issue of an Order-in-Council to the effect that "It shall be lawful for all military officers in her Majesty's service to serve the said Emperor in any military, warlike, or other operations, and for that purpose to go to any place or places beyond the seas - provided always that the licence and permission hereby given shall be in force only until the first day of September 1864". That order was later revoked, but not till the British had served their armed purpose. The Emperor referred to was the debauched T'ung Chih, who, when he was not engaged in drunken brawls in the lowest haunts of Peking, spent his time in brothels or in collecting lewd paintings. He was the reprobate, whom British soldiers and marines were officially permitted to serve.
Gordon did not get on well with either the Viceroy or General Ch'ing, Commander of the Imperialist armies in Kiangsu. His chief trouble with Li Hung Chang was over payment to the troops, while General Ch'ing resented Gordon's determination to take things into his own hands. Still, these disputes never deterred Gordon from his purpose. He reorganised the army, put the ranks into uniform and taught them, for the first time, the meaning of discipline. "I hate all these foreigners" wrote Li Hung Chang about that time "but it would not be wise to let them know. It is not the men personally, but I dislike their airs of superiority". This dislike, however, did not prevent the Viceroy from admiring Gordon's gallantry on the field. His daring at die Battle of Fushan so enthused Li Hung Chang that he became quite eloquent in his praises. "What a sight for tired eyes! What an elixir for a heavy heart! Just to see this splendid Englishman fight! I have just returned from nine days and nights with him, and if there is anything I admire nearly as much as the superb scholarship of Tseng Kuo-fan, it is the military quality of this fine officer. Fight - move - fight again - move again - leading his men - planning by night and executing by day - planning by day and executing by night! What a glorious fellow!" General Ch'ing, however, was not so enthusiastic. He resented Gordon's success and untiring demands for more and still more action. He had never seen war on this scale before. He hated the prime mover in it and his antagonism became so marked that the Viceroy had to warn him to keep to his own affairs, which were not too promising, and cease interfering with Gordon and the "Ever Victorious Army".
But the Kiangsu Commander was not to be silenced so easily. He grew more and more resentful as praises continued to be heaped upon Gordon, and the position became so acute, that in November 1863, Gordon decided to hand over his commission. He went to Shanghai to see General Stavely and announce his decision, explaining the details of the position. What he heard there, however, caused him to change his mind. Burgevine, whom he had sponsored, was, at that time, building the Tai Ping defences at Soochow and had persuaded over 100 others to desert from the "Ever Victorious Army" and join him there. This so incensed Gordon that he tore up his resignation and returned to his command. Meanwhile, the Viceroy had spoken sternly to General Ch'ing, threatening him with firm action, if there was any further interference with Gordon. Evidently this had the desired effect, at least for the time, and the Viceroy noted in his diary that "Ch'ing now quite understands that while he is in command of the Kiangsu forces, he must not attempt to thwart the plans of Gordon in our assault upon Soochow".
It was about this time that Missionary Roberts, now stationed at Shanghai, decided to visit the Tai Pings at Soochow. Sir Frederick Bruce, in a despatch to Lord Russell, informed him that "Mr. Roberts, an American missionary, from whom the Taiping leader had received religious instruction, has joined the insurgents at Soochow. At his own request, he was permitted to preach, and he states that his discourse was directed against sacrifices". The letter then mentioned the impressions made on Mr. Roberts, concluding with the comment that "He (Roberts) may be presumed to take a favourable view of their religious observances, but I understand that he expressed some doubt as to the ceremonies having any meaning in the eyes of the worshippers other than is attached to the rites performed by the Emperor".
Little did those Tai Pings, to whom Mr. Roberts had preached and whose reverence had so deeply impressed him, realise, however, how short was to be their tenure of Soochow. The shadows were lengthening and Soochow was soon to be drenched in blood, their blood. Her many canals were to run crimson. The bodies of the dead were to lie so thick in those canals, that men, who chanced to survive the carnage, were to walk over them as a bridge of the dead. The T'ai Pings were confident that they could hold the city, the ancient capital of Wu, for, so far, the Chung Wang had not suffered any defeat at the hands of the Imperialists. He would prove to be more than a match for Ch'ing and his Kiangsu forces. Still, there were rumours that Gordon, with his Ch'ang Sheng Chun, planned to attack the city, but weeks passed with nothing happening. Perhaps the rumours had no foundation. The T'ai Pings did not know that Gordon was determined to reduce Soochow and was only waiting for the promised reinforcements of British marines and soldiers.
The blow fell as 1863 was drawing to its close, in one of the most bloody battles on record. Neither side showed any mercy. It was total war with a vengeance. Armed men and civilians alike went down before the onslaught. Day and night the slaughter continued and the Ch'ang Sheng Chun became so intoxicated with victory and its spoils that it got out of hand. The smell of blood aroused the animal passions of its ranks so that, not content to kill the men of Soochow, they began to ravage the women. The Ever Victorious Army!
The fall of Soochow was the beginning of the end of the Heavenly Dynasty. During the next six months, the T'ai Pings were forced back towards Nanking after successive defeats at Taitsan, Quinsan, Yesing, Liyang, and Tanyang. The decisive battle was fought at Yangchow, where the T'ai Pings had to face the combined forces of Gordon, Ch'ing, and Li Hung Chang. Yangchow was the T'ai Ping's Waterloo. On July 8, 1864, aided by the treachery of Pu Ying-ch'i, who informed the enemy of the weak spot in the Nanking defences, the Heavenly Capital was in the hands of the Imperialist armies. The remainder of the year was spent by them in mopping up groups of T'ai Pings who had escaped and in regaining control of the surrounding country. Once again, thanks to Gordon and his British forces, the Manchus were in control and the Court of Peking could resume its corruption and debauchery.
What of Hung Hsiu-Ch'uan? And the Chung Wang? When Hung knew that his city and cause were doomed, he ended his life in the age-long Chinese manner by swallowing gold leaf. His body was secretly buried in a small garden behind the palace. In order that there should be no panic among his closest followers, his death was kept secret, and his Son proclaimed Tien Wang at a private assembly of the leaders. When the enemy swarmed into the palace and were unable to find Hung, they explored the grounds and, noting a spot where the earth appeared to have been recently disturbed, they dug till they found the body. It had been draped in yellow silk embroidered with dragons. The Heavenly King had been buried as a Ming. As for the Chung Wang, special vengeance was meted out to him. He was imprisoned, during which time he wrote his autobiography, and on Au